Pax Consortis
in an Age of Interdependence:
The Challenge for Japan
Hisashi Owada
The following text is an excerpt from the draft report on 21st Century
Strategies of Trilateral Countries presented by Hisashi Owada to the 1999
annual meeting of the Trilateral Commission in Washington, D.C. Hisashi
Owada, former Japanese Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to
the United Nations, is President of the Japan Institute of International
Affairs.
The integration of the
international community has generated the need to deal with global issues
that affect all nations....In this new environment, an attempt to replace
the old bipolar order by a unipolar order, as being claimed by some people,
cannot solve the problems. Nor can a multipolar world based on a traditional
balance of power.
The problems can only be dealt with adequately through a mechanism of
management based on shared responsibility among the major players in the
system that have the will and the capacity to play such a role.
With regard to this order based on what might be called pax consortis,
however, it must be said that this might look like an ideal order on paper,
but in practice it will be the most difficult order to maintain.
First, pax consortis means an order whose viability depends upon
positive cooperation through sharing the burden of maintaining the order
among the major players in the system. To put it in another way, the order
cannot be sustained as an effective order, unless there is political will
to maintain it on the part of each one of the major players.
Second, by contrast, it is an order in which paradoxically it is quite
easy to be a free rider at the cost of other members of the system. This
is so because there are such a number of players who jointly share the burden
for sustaining the order that each one of the players may be tempted to
make its own share of contribution as small as possible. In addition, the
situation can be aggravated when the system consists of a number of members
whose power relationship is not quite in equilibrium, since in such a case
the temptation is greater for each member to try to minimize its share for
responsibility for the management of the order.
Third, the most essential prerequisite for the proper functioning of
this order is the identification of common objectives to pursue, based on
shared values and common interests, followed by a strong political commitment
to work for the achievement of these objectives. This clearly is not easy
to come about at the present juncture. When there is a clear and present
danger to such shared values which are vital to the order from an external
source, it is comparatively easy to forge a strong political commitment,
as the experience of East-West confrontation has demonstrated. Under less
compelling circumstances, the order has a built-in fragility in this regard.
It will be easy to see from what has been stated that in order to make
this order truly viable, it is essential to create a community framework
in which we can agree on identifiable, common shared values as the foundation
of this order and to make this framework workable for defending and promoting
such common values. It is precisely here that trilateralism as a movement
has to exert its efforts in order to create such a community framework for
pursuing common shared values as the foundation of such an order.
Within such a community based on common shared values, the advanced industrial
democracies in the trilateral regions of East Asia, Europe and North America
can play a particularly crucial role.
* * *
The demise of the Cold War has affected the situations in each of the
trilateral regions in such a way that a satisfactory maintenance and advancement
of trilateral relations as a process can be put into question. In the case
of Japan, it will hardly be an exaggeration to say that this new development
has shaken the societal structure of the postwar Japan to a much larger
extent than it has affected the other regions of the trilateral partners....
It is often said that modern Japan has gone through the opening
of the country twice in the past, one in the middle of the 19th century
when Commodore Perry came to the shore of Japan, and the other in the middle
of the present century, when Japan had to restart the process of integrating
itself into the outside world after the shattering defeat in the Second
World War. However, it would seem fair to say that each time the process
was incomplete as a social revolution, to the extent that it was always
an attempt for a quick-fix to graft new ideologies and new institutions
to the old socio-cultural substructure of traditional Japanese society.
Now, the impact of the third wave of opening of the country
is hitting Japanese society in the form of globalization in political, economic,
and social processes. These processes inevitably shake the political, economic,
and social culture of Japanese society in its more traditional aspects in
a much more radical manner than the country has experienced on the two previous
occasions. In this sense, it is fair to say that the country is going through
the process of a major societal transformation which will probably take
a decade to complete.
What is significant to our purpose for trilateral cooperation, however,
is the impact of this process of societal transformation upon the external
behavior of Japan in the immediate future. It is disconcerting to note in
this context that presumably reflecting the mood of the nation under stress
with all these painful developments, a visible shift would seem to be taking
place in the nations outlook towards the world. What was once a growing
trend towards the sense of willingness to search for an appropriate role
for Japan in the world, which marked the Japan in the 80s and the early
90s, is now being replaced by an overly pessimistic outlook for its own
future, which forms a hotbed for an attitude of inward-lookingness, only
buttressed by occasional outbursts of nationalistic emotions as a defensive
reaction.... |