East Asia, the International System, and China’s Integration

East Asia: Diversity and Regional Development
East Asia is a vast region containing a dozen countries that have experienced fundamental change since the 1960s. The most remarkable achievement is the success of modernization, which includes not only economic growth, but also political and social transformation. However, the region is still very diverse so it is important to know its features when talking about integration of the region into the international system.

First, the process of catching-up continues for most countries in the region, although the “flying geese” economic structure with Japan in the lead has had to be revised due to the problems of the Japanese economy. The financial crisis of 1997 has not stopped this process. From the quick recovery of the crisis-affected economies we can see that the strength and dynamism of East Asian economic development is still there, though there are still many issues to be dealt with and resolved. The core of the East Asian model, as I understand it, is an open-economy policy and integration into the world market. We talk too much about Asian values.

Second, the countries of the region have very different economic and political systems and levels of development, as well as religious and cultural differences. Thus, there are diverging concerns and interests. Regional cooperation and integration is developing, but, taking the region as a whole, it is at a low level. It is true that regionalism has become stronger, but it will take time before even reaching agreement on a model acceptable to all participants. It is important to understand that East Asian regional cooperation is not aiming to establish a different system from the international one, but to solve their own problems and create a better environment for living together.

Third, the region has many problems, ranging from economic sustainability to political transition to regional relations. Concerning regional relations, a cautious, careful, and cooperative mechanism has been developed, but it does play a very important role in preventing serious conflicts. However, the mechanism is very vulnerable to the divergent interests and concerns of those participating in it. Also, the culture and the impact of Cold War mentality complicates regional relations. So, the integration of the region—the manner, the speed, and the degree of integration—will be a very uncertain and gradual process.

The International System: Adjusting to Emerging Powers
What is the international system? Along with the Study Group, I think it refers mainly to the international institutions and norms gradually developed after World War II, but it does not include domestic institutions and norms. Thus Western-style democracy is not a necessary part of the international system, if we define the system as an international community rather than as a unique system. If we identify the system as a community, that’s fine. But the community should welcome all members, taking into consideration the differences of their interests and situations. So the international system has to be readjusted due to two fundamental changes: One is the end of the Cold War; the other is the emergence of the newly developed countries. The reliability and credibility of the system rests on its capacity and flexibility to accept these emerging powers.

The emerging powers have no choice but to be integrated into the existing system, but they require a benign environment. What China has proposed as a new international economic and political system is not an attempt to overturn the current system; China is asking for a readjustment of it in order that the interests of latecomers, especially less developed countries, can be considered. Globalization has introduced new challenges to the existing international system, but it has also brought about the integration of the region into the system.

Taking China’s Interests into Account
China is a crucial factor in establishing a stable and cooperative regional order. The regional as well as international community concerns itself too much over China as a challenger to the system, and is much less concerned with China’s own interests and security. So, as proposed by the Study Group, I agree that China’s interests have to be taken into account in the design of a regional security architecture. The core of China’s interests is very simple: fair and friendly treatment and the right to participate in the rule-making, but not a totally different order.

Again, China is not a challenger to the existing international system. Integration into the international system is not a choice, but a reality for China. What China wants is the time and space to develop and adjust itself to this system. It also wants its differences respected by the other actors in the international system, the members of the international community.

If the international community wants to encourage China to integrate into the international system, it has to consider China’s concerns and interests. Let China become a real partner. China feels unsafe in a world and regional security order in which its concerns and interests are not taken into account.

I don’t want to touch upon the Taiwan issue, but I have to because I think this issue is the most dangerous one in managing the regional situation. It is very difficult to resolve. What China insists upon is the one-China principle, that is, a superstructure built on the one-China formula, which is so important for Chinese. It is very important to the Chinese way of thinking because to their minds it is very simple: When China was weak, China was divided; but now China is becoming stronger and should be united. What kind of united China doesn’t concern them very much. The one-China formula does not have to change the system in Taiwan at all, which is a different formulation than that of the ’60s and ’70s. So, democracy is not an obstacle to this formula at all. In some people’s minds, keeping a balance across the Strait cannot prevent conflict or war. But it is especially dangerous to use Taiwan as bargaining leverage in dealing with a rising China. So I think that the Taiwan issue is very crucial when we talk about integration in the region. Most people here would take Taiwan’s concerns into consideration more than mainland China’s. But I propose that the international community take mainland China’s concerns into consideration, as well.